جنبش ضد جنگ امریکا و مسأله دموکراسی

2012/03/24

این متنِ سخنرانی ام در میان جمعی از فعالان ضد جنگ نیویورک است (ویدئو را این جا ببینید.) اکثرشان از فعالان چپ امریکایی اند. خلاصه ی صحبت ام این است که ما باید نشان دهیم که فعالیت های ضد جنگ و ضد تحریم مان مساوی با حمایت از جمهوری اسلامی نیست. یعنی در کنار «نه به جنگ! نه به تحریم!» می بایست به «سرکوبِ دولتی!» نیز «نه» بگوییم و در کنار مبارزه ی دموکراتیک مردم ایران برای آزادی و عدالت قرار بگیریم.

تأثیر گذاشتن روی جنبش ضد جنگِ امریکا کارِ ساده ای نیست. آن ها در بدترین حالت کنار دیکتاتورهای ضد امریکایی می ایستند، و در وضعیتی بهتر مسأله ی دیکتاتوری در ایران برای بسیاری شان دغدغه نیست. موضع ضد امریکایی حکومتِ ایران، حضور پایگاه های بیشمار امریکا در خاورمیانه،  حاکم بودنِ منطقِ جنگِ سرد میان بعضی حلقه های چپ، سیاست های دوگانه ی امریکا در منطقه، نظامِ نابرابرِ بین المللی، و عدم ارتباطِ معنی دارِ ایرانیانِ دموکراسی خواه با فعالانِ امریکایی در طول این سال ها، باعث شده است تا صحبت درباره ی «جنبش دموکراتیکِ مردمِ ایران» میان حلقه های چپ امریکا به آسانی میسر نباشد.

اما آن ها فعالان ضد جنگ اند و برای آن که بتوانیم در جنبش ضد جنگ اثرگذار باشیم راهی جز گفت و گو، تأکید بر اشتراکات، و نشان دادنِ کاستی های نگاهِ «ضد امپریالیستیِ» آن ها نداریم. پس از شرکت در تظاهراتِ چهارم فوریه در نیویورک و در دست گرفتنِ پلاکاردهای «نه به جنگ، نه به تحریم و نه به دیکتاتوری» متحدین جدیدی پیدا کرده ایم. از آن روز تا به حال تقریبن هر هفته یک بار جلسه داشته ایم و اخیرن گروهی تشکیل داده ایم با حضور ایرانی ها، ایرانی-امریکایی ها و دیگرانی که با ما در «نه به جنگ! نه به تحریم! نه به سرکوبِ دولتی!» همراه هستند. در هفته های آینده بیشتر از این گروهِ تازه تأسیس می نویسم.

متنِ سخنرانی ام به شرحِ زیر است

I would like to start by going back to June 15th 2009. Three days had passed since the presidential election. The announced result was not as many Iranians had expected. It was shocking. Despite well-grounded evidences of fraud, Ahmadinejad had claimed victory by a landslide. Members of The Guardian Council, who were responsible for examining the credibility of the results, and were expected not to take sides, had already supported Ahmadinejad weeks prior to the election. The supreme leader himself had congratulated him for his victory. Streets had been packed with armed revolutionary guards and pro-government semi-militia Basijis. Everything was at odds with what might give us hope. Except one thing; for months prior to the election, tens of thousands of Iranians had been occupying public spaces, chanting “if fraud happens, Iran will become the Armageddon”. That is: don’t cheat or we will claim our votes in the streets. Those slogans were still echoing in our heads and on our lips. Our solidarity was our power

I was a student of mechanical engineering at Sharif University of Technology at that time. Like many other Iranians, I was involved in pre-election presidential campaigns. In student movement we were fighting for our basic rights. During the first four-year presidency of Ahmadinejad, most of the democratically elected student bodies across the country had got shut down; hundreds of students, including my friend Zia Nabavi, had been banned from continuing their education for speaking up their minds; many others, including my friends Majid Tavakkoli and Bahareh Hedayat, had been arrested and sentenced to years in prison; professors who were not expressing their loyalty to the regime had been compulsively retired; and university guards had become agents of the security forces, reporting the activities of students to security officials and helping intelligent agencies to arrest us

It was 8:30, in the morning of Monday June 15th 2009, when I arrived at Sharif. My university was located near Azadi Square, a strategic location for protestors. Unlike any other day, hundreds of other students had already gathered in the main yard. They were distributing Mir-Hossein Mousavi’s statements. He had invited the officials to respect the law, and had called for civil and non-violent protests. Since early hours after the election, several politicians, journalists, lawyers and prominent grassroots activists had been arrested. Reformist newspapers, internet and even cell phones had been shut down. And state media had started its pro-Ahmadinejad propaganda. History had taught us not to have trust in the system. Occupying streets in mass numbers was the only remaining way of expressing discontent

It was ten in the morning. We had been told that security forces had permission to kill protestors with their snipers. Despite the possible threats, some of my friends and I decided to leave the university and start marching in the street. We were a hundred. That was the first time since 1999 students’ uprisings that we were chanting anti-dictatorship slogans out of university campus. It was a historical moment. Half an hour later our numbers got thousands. The unprecedented spectre of fear and hope was haunting Tehran. Moments later I could not find my student friends anymore. I got lost in the crowd. Not hundreds or thousands, but millions of Iranians, men, women, children, young, old, from different social classes, were marching in the Azadi street. On that day, seven people, including Sohrab Arabi, got killed

I left my country in September 2009 to Budapest/Hungary, four months after the election. Had I lived in Iran few more months, I would have ended up in prison for violating national security, making propaganda against the regime, and insulting the supreme leader. They were common charges against protestors. State media was calling us CIA Agents who intended to disrupt the country. They were false, shameful, and disgusting accusations. The Iranian democratic green movement is rooted in more than a century struggle of Iranians for freedom and justice. It is constituted of, but could not be reduced to, students, women, and workers’ movements, with the overall aim of not necessarily toppling the regime down, but appreciating human dignity and respectability. It is anything but a CIA plot

Two years and nine months have passed and it’s the seventh month that I am at US. Now we are facing different social and political realities. Iranian Green Movement has been harshly cracked down, US has pushed for crippling economic sanctions against Iranian people, and Israel and US warmongers are threatening Iranians with military aggression

It is abundantly clear that the recent, unprecedented sanctions are going to have an adverse effect on Iran’s economy. They will lead to reduction in GDP, higher unemployment, inflation, and widening the gap between the rich and the poor. Lives of teachers, white collar workers, laborers, and vulnerable members of the society who are working hard to making a living are hurt the most. Sanctions are not alternative to war. They are war by definition

Undoubtedly, sanctions and threat of war will also weaken the Iranian democratic movement. They provide a pretext for the Iranian government to escalate its repressive measures against labor and other progressive movements, make people more dependent on the authoritative state to meet their daily needs, and increase social tensions, poverty and anomies. A disempowered society loses its capacities of resistance against state repression

In the light of these concerns, on February 4th 2012, on “Day of Mass Action” against a possible war with Iran, hundreds of us went to the streets of New York to oppose war, sanctions, and, of course, to stand in solidarity with Iranians’ struggle for freedom and justice. Not everybody agreed with us on the last point. Some leftist activists in the protest were trying to silence us. They made efforts to tear our placard, block our march, and even beat and took microphone from one of the speakers while she was expressing her solidarity with the Iranian Green Movement

One American protestor, who made several speeches at the rally, approached me, looked into my face, and overtly accused us of being CIA Agents. Her words instantly took me back to Tehran, to two years and nine months ago, when Iranian protestors who were risking their freedom and lives for freedom and economical justice had to bear the same accusations. That American protestor in New York was not a semi-militia Baisji member, nor was she being paid by Islamic Republic to silence Iranian dissidents. But her legitimate anti-war, anti-imperialist approach had pushed her too far to illegitimately stand beside the Iranian dictators

But the story has one more dimension. The Iranian state media, and the notorious Press TV – which has the records of broadcasting the forced confessions of Iranian political prisoners – were also present at the demonstration. They had hard time on that day. The mass presence of anti-war, anti-sanction and anti-state repression Iranians and their allies had made it difficult for Iranian state media to make coverage. Yet, they eventually managed to make several interviews and took some pictures. On February 5th 2012, the front page of hardline newspapers in Iran was a picture of the anti-war protest in New York, with an eye-catching title: “Supporters of Islamic Republic in US  Marched Against War!” That is, here in US we were shamefully called CIA Agents, and there in Iran we were ridiculously addressed as supporters of Islamic Republic. But we are, in fact, neither of them

My friends and I, who have recently formed a group called Havaar (The Iranian Initiative Against War, Sanctions, and State Repression) invite leftist activists in US (and more ideally around the world) for a new way of resistance. While we are trapped between foreign imperialists and domestic dictators, we believe that there is a way out of this cycle

We have to make it clear that our anti-war and anti-sanction position is not equal to support for Iranian government. This does not mean lending our support to any specific political group or individual in Iran. It rather means standing in solidarity with Iranians’ struggle for social and political freedoms, economical justice and judicial transparency. Any anti-war statement or action which stays silent on this issue, will be hijacked by Islamic Republic and will be used as part of propaganda machine against Iranian people

Besides, standing beside Iranians’ labor and other progressive movements does not mean supporting foreign intervention for “regime change”. We have to be explicit about it. We are calling for self-determination. Iranians must have the right to freely determine their own government without foreign intervention or external compulsion

The majority of political prisoners in Iran and families of those who were murdered by Iranian government are also against war, against sanction, and against foreign intervention. Most Iranians in US are on the same boat. Without showing them our solidarity we make an anti-war movement which not only serves the interests of Islamic Republic, but leaves Iranians alone in their struggle for liberty and justice

I would like to end by bringing a quote from the brilliant article of Raha, the Iranian Feminist Collective, titled “Solidarity and Its Discontents”. The article goes, “There is no contradiction between opposing every instance of US meddling in Iran–and every other country–and supporting the popular, democratic struggles of ordinary Iranians against dictatorship. Effective international solidarity requires that the two go hand in hand … We are calling for a rethinking of what internationalism and international solidarity means from the vantage point of activists working in the US. Internationalism has to start from below, from the differently articulated aspirations of mass movements against state militarism, dictatorship, economic crisis, gender, sexual, religious, class and ethnic oppression, in Iran, in the US and all over the world.” a. a

Advertisements

پاسخی بگذارید

در پایین مشخصات خود را پر کنید یا برای ورود روی شمایل‌ها کلیک نمایید:

نشان‌وارهٔ وردپرس.کام

شما در حال بیان دیدگاه با حساب کاربری WordPress.com خود هستید. بیرون رفتن / تغییر دادن )

تصویر توییتر

شما در حال بیان دیدگاه با حساب کاربری Twitter خود هستید. بیرون رفتن / تغییر دادن )

عکس فیسبوک

شما در حال بیان دیدگاه با حساب کاربری Facebook خود هستید. بیرون رفتن / تغییر دادن )

عکس گوگل+

شما در حال بیان دیدگاه با حساب کاربری Google+ خود هستید. بیرون رفتن / تغییر دادن )

درحال اتصال به %s

%d وب‌نوشت‌نویس این را دوست دارند: